THE NEW ABORTION

THE NEW ABORTION

In vitro fertilization (IVF) presents a neglected puzzle. IVF is used to create nearly one in forty babies born in the United States each year. But it remains deeply underregulated and has rarely been subject to the usual wrangling on matters of reproduction. IVF’s regulatory vacuum gets chalked up to America’s polarization over abortion. Yet for half a century, our laws and politics have treated these practices nothing alike. Abortion’s explosive partisan battles and sharp restrictions contrast sharply with the low-key, hands-off approach to IVF. Only since 2024 has IVF become a culture-war flashpoint: condemned by major religious groups and social movements; targeted by federal proposals to restrict or promote it by congressional statute or executive order; and upended by state court decisions to treat frozen embryos like born children. IVF’s sudden emergence as a site of roiling controversy and intense contestation makes it what this Article calls “the new abortion.”

This Article resolves the mystery of IVF’s half-century retreat from public discourse and its precipitous appearance on the national scene. It presents the first legal history of IVF’s relationship to abortion, drawing on original archives from three privately held collections, two historical societies, four universities, and the Library of Congress. This study chronicles complex dynamics between abortion and IVF and analyzes their significance for American life: family, faith, race, sex, medicine, and science. This Article shows how unforeseen forces after the fall of Roe v. Wade dislodged the conditions that entrenched IVF’s fragile regulatory impasse for decades. This history also uncovers fresh patches of common ground to sustainably govern IVF in ways that enhance clinical transparency, prevent avoidable mishaps, and preserve meaningful access.

The full text of this Article can be found by clicking the PDF link to the left.

“It would be a sad commentary on the American ethos if federal funds could be used for the taking of human life, that is, therapeutic abortion, but not the creation of human life, that is, therapeutic conception.”
— Sid Leiman, Statement to the Ethics Advisory Board (1978). 1 Ethics Advisory Bd., Dep’t of Health, Educ., & Welfare, Report and Conclusions: HEW Support of Research Involving Human In Vitro Fertilization and Embryo Transfer 52 (1979), https://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/559350/HE
W_IVF_report.pdf [https://perma.cc/KE7K-XHDU] (quoting Sid Leiman).

“IVF destroys more embryonic life every year than Planned Parenthood. If you want to defend children’s right to life, you must recognize that when it comes to the destroying of embryos, the victimization of children, big fertility does that in numbers that far outpace abortion.”
— Katy Faust, North Carolina Family Policy Council (2024). 2 Video posted by North Carolina Family Policy Council (@ncfamilypolicy), Instagram (June 13, 2024) https://www.instagram.com/reel/C8KdXgAu7yD/ (on file with the Columbia Law Review) (statement of Katy Faust).

Introduction

In vitro fertilization (IVF) frees families from devastating disease and makes biological parenthood possible for those who can’t get pregnant on their own—that is, for those who can afford it. 3 IVF is too expensive for many Americans who might consider it: A single IVF cycle can cost between $15,000 and $30,000, with more than one cycle often needed to achieve a pregnancy. Marissa Conrad, How Much Does IVF Cost?, Forbes (Aug. 14, 2023), https://www.forbes.com/health/womens-health/how-much-does-ivf-cost/ [https://perma.cc/8BL8-LKGC]. Only about half of women who undergo IVF become pregnant after three cycles. How Many IVF Cycles Are Generally Needed to Achieve Pregnancy?, Milann: Blog, https://www.milann.co.in/blogs/how-many-ivf-cycles-are-generally-needed-to-achieve-preg‌nancy [https://perma.cc/42GK-SSPP] (last visited Aug. 8, 2025). Roughly seven in ten Americans lack any insurance coverage to defray the costs of the procedure, burdens that fall unevenly by race: While the infertility rate for Black women is almost twice as high as that of white women, 75% of IVF patients are white, and more than 80% have household incomes of more than $100,000. See Lisa Armstrong, Black Women Are More Likely to Experience Infertility Than White Women. They’re Less Likely to Get Help, Too, The Guardian (Dec. 10, 2023), https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/dec/10/black-women-infertility-causes-treatment-inequity-healthcare [https://perma.cc/4PZZ-JP9D] (explaining that while Black women are twice as likely to experience infertility as white women, they make up only 4.6% of assisted reproductive technology (ART) cycles); see also Ethics Comm., Am. Soc’y for Reprod. Med., Disparities in Access to Effective Treatment for Infertility in the United States: An Ethics Committee Opinion, 116 Fertility & Sterility 54, 55–56 (2021) (noting that “[t]he majority of patients who undergo IVF in the United States pay out of pocket . . . [and] persons of middle to lower socio-economic status and persons of African-American or Hispanic ethnicity are underrepresented in the population of treated infertility patients”); Katie Watson, Rethinking the Ethical and Legal Relationship Between IVF and Abortion, 334 JAMA 19, 19 (2025) (drawing a contrast between abortion, where 72% of patients are below the poverty line and 59% are Black or Latinx, to IVF, where the majority of users are white and high income). And neither major political party has addressed the obstacles to IVF access. See infra Parts I–II. Despite its high price tag, this medicine of miracles is responsible for more than one in fifty babies born in the United States, over 85,000 every year. 4 See Fact Sheet: In Vitro Fertilization (IVF) Use Across the United States, HHS (Mar. 13, 2024), https://www.hhs.gov/about/news/2024/03/13/fact-sheet-in-vitro-fertilization-ivf-use-across-united-states.html [https://perma.cc/5SYR-NS2D] [hereinafter Fact Sheet: IVF Use Across the United States].

IVF goes mostly unregulated, 5 See Dov Fox, Birth Rights and Wrongs : Reply to Critics, 100 B.U. L. Rev. Online 159, 161–62 (2020), https://www.bu.edu/bulawreview/files/2020/07/FOX.pdf [https://perma.cc/J53V-8THW] [hereinafter Fox, Reply to Critics] (“[O]ne in every fifty kids born in the United States today is conceived in a fertility clinic or petri dish. And yet oversight has long remained shockingly low.” (footnote omitted)); Emi Nietfeld, America’s IVF Failure, The Atlantic (May 2, 2024), https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2024/05/america-ivf-regulation-failures/678259/ (on file with the Columbia Law Review) (explaining how “the industry goes unregulated, leaving prospective parents with few safeguards and even fewer options when things go wrong”). but it’s not the Wild West that headlines routinely portray it as. 6 See, e.g., Alexander N. Hecht, The Wild Wild West: Inadequate Regulation of Assisted Reproductive Technology, 1 Hou. J. Health L. & Pol’y 227, 228–29, 252–56 (2001) (noting that, while critics characterize assisted reproduction as a regulatory “Wild West,” some federal statutes and professional guidelines already impose oversight, undermining claims of a total regulatory vacuum). But see Debora L. Spar, Opinion, Fertility Industry Is a Wild West, N.Y. Times (Sep. 13, 2011), https://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2011/09/13/making-laws-about-making-babies/fertility-industry-is-a-wild-west [https://perma.cc/L42P-SGB8] (“[W]e live in a free market for assisted reproduction, a Wild West of procreative possibilities.”). The legal landscape of assisted reproduction is shaped by a host of federal, state, and professional measures. 7 Federal law requires the testing of sperm and eggs donors for communicable diseases and reporting pregnancy success rates, while states license reproductive endocrinologists to ensure that they’ve completed a three-year fellowship after a four-year OB/GYN residency. See Dov Fox, Birth Rights and Wrongs: How Medicine and Technology are Remaking Reproduction and the Law 26 (2019) [hereinafter Fox, Birth Rights and Wrongs]. Private organizations like the College of American Pathologists visit fertility clinics every few years to accredit them. Still, these regulations are relatively light: Compliance requirements are optional and unenforced, and so is compliance with the practice guidelines that professional societies publish. See id. at 25–26. And courts are often reluctant to recognize reproductive losses or mix-ups as real or serious harms. See id. at 7–8; infra notes 308–311 and accompanying text. But no authority meaningfully polices IVF providers when, for example, a patient’s eggs are fertilized with the wrong sperm, or one couple’s embryos are implanted into someone else. 8 See, e.g., Naomi R. Cahn, Test Tube Families: Why the Fertility Market Needs Legal Regulation 13–28 (2009); Lars Noah, Assisted Reproductive Technologies and the Pitfalls of Unregulated Biomedical Innovation, 55 Fla. L. Rev. 603, 648–59 (2003). Other developed countries take oversight far more seriously, dedicating national agencies to making assisted reproduction safe and effective. 9 Examples include the United Kingdom’s Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority and the Canadian Assisted Human Reproduction Agency. See Assisted Human Reproduction Act, S.C. 2004, c. 6, § 21(1) (Can.) (establishing the Canadian Assisted Human Reproduction Agency); Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990, c. 37, § 5(1) (U.K.) (establishing the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority). Much lighter regulation in the United States makes it a global outlier. 10 See Erin L. Nelson, Comparative Perspectives on the Regulation of Assisted Reproductive Technologies in the United Kingdom and Canada, 43 Alta. L. Rev. 1023, 1047 (2006) (describing a “complex web of regulatory approaches” and the absence of a “central ‘oversight’ agency” in the United States, in direct contrast to the United Kingdom’s “comprehensive system of regulation”).

Scholars have long assumed that America’s IVF exceptionalism is explained by political polarization around abortion. 11 Conventional wisdom says that IVF was consumed by “the charged political climate that resulted from the US Supreme Court’s decision to legalize abortion in 1973.” Margaret Marsh & Wanda Ronner, The Pursuit of Parenthood: Reproductive Technology From Test-Tube Babies to Uterus Transplants 7 (2019) [hereinafter Marsh & Ronner, Pursuit of Parenthood]. IVF’s eclipse by the shadow of abortion politics has crowded out other possible explanations for its underregulation, such as (1) destroying unborn life incidentally, not intentionally, (2) at earlier stages of prenatal development, before there are fingers or heartbeats, (3) by upper-middle-class people who are frequently married and want to have a child. See, e.g., Dena S. Davis, The Puzzle of IVF, 6 Hou. J. Health L. & Pol’y 275, 277–78, 290 (2006) (explaining that the process of IVF “is almost guaranteed to produce embryo wastage” and that the “typical couple . . . in need of IVF is older, married, white, educated, and financially well-off” compared to individuals seeking abortion). For more than half a century, however, the governance of IVF in the United States has contrasted sharply with the nation’s sprawling abortion regulations. Since the first successful IVF birth in the late 1970s, IVF access has evaded sustained attention from either the pro-life or pro-choice movements, or the Republican or Democratic Parties. 12 See infra Part II. Until very recently, that is: After 2023, IVF emerged for the first time as a rallying cry for reproductive rights and justice advocates, a lightning rod for leading anti-abortion groups, and the object of condemnation by the largest conservative Protestant denomination. 13 See Jamie Ducharme, IVF Changed America. But Its Future Is Under Threat, Time (Aug. 7, 2024), https://time.com/7005892/ivf-under-attack-fetal-personhood/ [https://perma.cc/7P92-LPEV].

This dramatic shift might seem even more puzzling because IVF and abortion look very different to many Americans across the ideological spectrum. Some who are deeply committed to abortion rights as medically necessary, even lifesaving, deem IVF merely elective. Meanwhile, abortion opponents who view abortion as life-ending often see at least some forms of IVF as creating new life. If IVF and abortion are indeed different, how has IVF made its way to the front line of America’s culture wars? And how should this significant change inform the way we think and talk about post-Roe conflicts over assisted reproduction, both in legislatures and courts, and outside of them? 14 See Right to IVF Act, S. 4445, 118th Cong. (2024) (protecting access to IVF by prohibiting governmental restrictions and preempting conflicting state laws to safeguard fertility care and related services); LePage v. Ctr. for Reprod. Med., P.C., 408 So. 3d 678, 682–85 (Ala. 2024) (acknowledging the profound societal and ethical questions raised by IVF and how the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization informs the legal status of embryos); Ruth Graham, Southern Baptists Vote to Oppose Use of I.V.F., N.Y. Times (June 12, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/12/us/ivf-vote-southern-baptists.html (on file with the Columbia Law Review) (reporting on the Southern Baptist Convention’s vote to oppose the use of in vitro fertilization and its rejection of practices that dispose of unused embryos).

This Article answers these neglected questions. 15 Existing scholarship has explored attitudes about infertility, the development of treatments to address it, and the polarization that has obstructed consensus about how to regulate new treatments. A magisterial study by historian Margaret Marsh and gynecologist Wanda Ronner offers an indispensable overview of the science of assisted reproduction and the policy landscape that surrounds its complex web of rules in the United States. See Marsh & Ronner, Pursuit of Parenthood, supra note 11. They posit that the conflict around Roe obstructed a much-needed federal standard. Id. at 186 (explaining how “polarization around the interrelated issues of abortion, gender roles, embryo research, and the expansion of the uses of reproductive technology made it more difficult for Congress to develop any sort of consensus”). In the aftermath of Roe’s demise, Marsh and Ronner’s pathbreaking work raises important new questions: If polarization around abortion impeded consensus around IVF, why did the players in the abortion wars say so little about IVF, and why has that changed recently? These questions invite a fresh look at the origins of IVF’s regulatory vacuum and the new era of conflict that has emerged after the Court’s decision to overrule Roe v. Wade. It undertakes the first legal history of the relationship between abortion and IVF. This Article shows how their evolving relationship is the key to understanding (1) how for decades IVF remained deeply underregulated and rarely politicized, (2) why IVF has suddenly emerged as the locus of social-movement struggle in the aftermath of Roe’s reversal, and (3) what specific avenues are now possible to meaningfully regulate IVF—which is more popular than abortion—for the first time in American history.

This Article draws on extensive, original archival research from several sources: three privately held collections, four universities, two historical societies, and the Library of Congress. It traces how the abortion wars informed the laissez-faire fragility of IVF’s first half century as well as the modern collapse of that implicit settlement on how to govern assisted reproduction. 16 Other scholars have studied legal rules governing IVF in making sense of attitudes about infertility. See generally In-Vitro Fertilization: The Pioneers’ History (Gabor Kovacs, Peter Brinsden & Alan DeCherney eds., 2018) (recounting the global development of IVF through personal anecdotes from its pioneers and addressing the scientific, ethical, and legal dimensions of assisted reproduction); Robin E. Jensen, Infertility: Tracing the History of a Transformative Term (2016) (exploring rhetorical shifts in infertility discourse and examining how these narratives shape societal and individual understandings of infertility); The Palgrave Handbook of Infertility in History (Gayle Davis & Tracey Loughran eds., 2017) (examining the history of infertility through interdisciplinary perspectives, highlighting how social, political, and cultural discourses have shaped experiences and treatments). Marsh and Ronner have also written a book on the medical breakthroughs that made IVF possible. Margaret Marsh & Wanda Ronner, The Fertility Doctor: John Rock and the Reproductive Revolution (2008). Historians have also traced the cultural and political place of IVF in broader histories of reproduction. See generally Reproduction: Antiquity to the Present Day (Nick Hopwood, Rebecca Flemming & Lauren Kassell eds., 2018); Mary Ziegler, Personhood: The New Civil War Over Reproduction (2025) [hereinafter Ziegler, Personhood]. We interrogate a distinct question: How do the intersecting histories of abortion and IVF reveal common ground, block legislative compromise, create new areas of conflict, and identify new areas for potential legislative progress? These insights from IVF’s neglected past also reveal hidden sources of potential common ground that point us toward a politically feasible future. Moving beyond partisan binaries and entrenched impasses over assisted reproduction requires acknowledging IVF’s moral and social complexities within the political and economic realities of American healthcare and family life. This Article proposes attending to several key regulatory pillars: legality, access, licensing of facilities and procedures, and transparency about competent and effective practice.

For a time, the regulatory vacuum accommodated competing interests on either side of the nation’s reproductive divide. Pro-life groups opposed IVF in principle, to the extent that it involved destroying embryos, but struggled to explain how a technique designed to make babies was not pro-life—and worried that making their opposition public would undermine the fight to reverse Roe. 17 See infra notes 127–132 and accompanying text. Pro-choice groups grappled with the extent to which regulations to make IVF safe and effective would threaten access to not just IVF but also abortion—and struggled with whether IVF advanced reproductive equality or undermined it. 18 See infra sections I.B–.C.

This Article shows how this fragile compromise collapsed in the aftermath of the Supreme Court’s decision reversing Roe. 19 See infra sections II.A–.B. Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization did not directly bear on IVF cases or embryo legislation, neither of which generally rely on the federal Constitution. But the political impact of Dobbs on debates about IVF was huge. Determined to find a new mobilizing project, pro-life groups embraced the longstanding goal of fetal personhood: the idea that the meaning of person in the Fourteenth Amendment and other legal provisions applies the moment an egg is fertilized. 20 See Ziegler, Personhood, supra note 16, at vii–viii (summarizing the conservative theory of fetal personhood as “two core arguments: first, that a fetus is a separate, unique human individual from the moment of fertilization, and second, that because of that biological and moral uniqueness, the Constitution gives (or at least should give) that individual rights”). Activists have specifically taken aim at IVF, mounting a durable campaign to persuade state lawmakers and conservative Protestants to oppose the procedure. 21 See infra notes 336, 339–334 and accompanying text. As more Americans have come to rely on IVF to form a family, backlash to these attacks on it reveals a degree of bipartisan agreement that would have been unthinkable in earlier years. 22 See infra section II.B. The time is ripe for a new grand bargain.

This Article draws on these lessons of the past to inform a regulatory regime with meaningful potential to bridge the ideological gulf. Members of Congress have already proposed federal legislation to safeguard IVF access, including the Right to IVF Act, 23 Right to IVF Act, S. 4445, 118th Cong. (2024). but these bills have stalled because of partisan gridlock. 24 Stephen Groves, Senate Republicans Block Bill on Women’s Right to IVF as Democrats Make Push on Reproductive Care, AP News, https://apnews.com/article/senate-ivf-alabama-reproductive-care-460d099153d3faf548e9326ff17dbae6 (on file with the Columbia Law Review) (last updated June 13, 2024) (“The overtly political back-and-forth, with no attempt at finding a legislative compromise, showed how quickly Congress has shifted into a campaign mindset . . . .”). This look to the past reveals surprising common ground—among both activists and the public—to promote the safety and dignity of families and resulting children who would be most affected by regulations on IVF. This Article proposes three promising areas that center on federal intervention: legality, licensing, and transparency. 25 See infra Part III.

Legality legislation would preempt state efforts to forbid IVF or achieve its prohibition in practice. Comprehensive licensing would cover fertility clinics, gamete banks, and other entities, along with the procedures they use, oversight for compliance and quality control, and approval of clinical research for emerging technologies. 26 See infra section III.A. Meanwhile, transparency measures would collect and publish comprehensive data about reliability and safety and promote truth in advertising and informed consent. 27 See infra section III.B. Licensing and transparency regulations at the national level would work in tandem with guidelines on contested issues such as what kinds of traits to test and select for, payment to gamete donors and surrogates, and determinations of parentage. The proposal set forth in this Article would leave the ultimate authority to make these decisions with the individual states, drawing direction from professional associations and allowing flexibility for individual clinicians. 28 See infra section III.C.

The history of IVF teaches that the search for a perfect, all-encompassing federal law has resulted in a regulatory impasse that no longer satisfies anyone. As some rush to fill the regulatory void by eliminating IVF altogether, this Article favors preserving access to IVF while holding its reliable provision to account and enhancing the transparency of a practice that plays a central role in American family life.

Many will bristle at the idea of regulating IVF in ways that make it resemble abortion even more, fearing the violence, partisan rancor, and punitive laws that characterize the American experience around Roe. But the history this Article uncovers underscores that it is often better to leave the regulation of both abortion and IVF to medical providers and professional organizations, which have more clinical expertise and may be less vulnerable to influence from interest group commitments and political polarization.

What’s more, the contemporary social-movement efforts that doomed the Right to IVF Act have fueled concerted campaigns to restrict or ban IVF—either across the board 29 See infra sections II.A–.B. or for certain families, such as same-sex couples. 30 Project 2025, the conservative initiative to reshape the federal government under President Donald Trump, states, “In the context of . . . reproductive technologies, HHS policies should never place the desires of adults over the right of children to be raised by the biological fathers and mothers who conceive them.” See Roger Severino, Department of Health and Human Services, in Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise 449, 451 (Paul Dans & Steven Groves eds., 2023), https://web.archive.org/web/2023
1114060804/https://thf_media.s3.amazonaws.com/project2025/2025_MandateForLeadership_FULL.pdf [https://perma.cc/MQ3S-RZLX].
These political efforts suggest that opening the door to regulation of any kind runs the risk of restricting IVF to the point that it is no longer available or even criminalizing it. Comparing the history of abortion and IVF throws these concerns in sharp relief: Abortion regulations have primarily served as stepping stones toward outright prohibition and the recognition of constitutional fetal rights. 31 Pro-life groups themselves describe these efforts as a form of incrementalism that led first to the reversal of Roe v. Wade and, perhaps one day, to the securing of constitutional fetal rights. See Mary Ziegler, After Roe : The Lost History of the Abortion Debate 91–104 (2015) [hereinafter Ziegler, After Roe] (describing pro-life incrementalist strategies); Ziegler, Personhood, supra note 14, at xiv–xvvi (detailing how fetal personhood has remained the endgame for the anti-abortion movement since the 1960s). Perhaps, then, the best available outcome is to preserve the status quo, in which providers are left largely to regulate themselves.

This Article recognizes that regulating IVF poses considerable risk in the current political climate. But the recent transformations it traces reveal that IVF’s regulation is likely now inescapable, particularly in state legislatures. The interconnected legal histories of IVF and abortion reveal another lesson, too: After committed social movements launched campaigns to limit and ban abortion, the strategy of avoiding federal involvement and state regulation operated to undermine reproductive liberty rather than reinforce it. 32 See infra sections I.B–.C, I.E.

Since Dobbs, proponents of abortion rights have accordingly proposed codifying some protections into federal law, such as the Women’s Health Protection Act. 33 The Women’s Health Protection Act first gained influence as a step to counter state abortion restrictions before Dobbs. Representative Judy Chu, one of the bill’s key backers, explained that it would provide a federal baseline and ensure that supporters of abortion rights could stop “playing whack-a-mole with each of these states and their laws.” Barbara Sprunt, The House Passes a Bill to Counter Texas-Style Abortion Bans, NPR, https://www.npr.org/2021/09/24/1038931908/house-democrats-abortion-rights-bill [https://perma.cc/JRC6-ZG9S] (last updated Sep. 24, 2021) (internal quotation marks omitted) (quoting Rep. Judy Chu). Meanwhile, efforts to enshrine reproductive rights in state constitutions have taken on more profound significance, even in places where abortion is already protected by state statute. 34 For an overview of state ballot proposals, see 2023 and 2024 Abortion-Related Ballot Measures, Ballotpedia, https://ballotpedia.org/2023_and_2024_abortion-related_ballot_measures [https://perma.cc/T7PD-NXHK] (last visited Aug. 8, 2025).  We see parallels to IVF here too. If the push for state IVF restrictions is under way, and if leaving regulation to medical providers is no longer likely to be a long-term solution, then our task is to design a realistic federal regulation that will avoid foreseeable harms—and set us down a path that will bring greater justice to families that turn to IVF.

This history teaches that IVF could come to more closely resemble abortion in another sense too: If the present bipartisan consensus about the value of protecting IVF falls away, anti-abortion efforts to polarize the issue could pay dividends in state legislatures or even Congress. Some pro-life groups are working hard toward this outcome. 35 See infra section II.A. Meanwhile, Project 2025—an influential conservative political initiative to reshape the federal government under the Trump Administration—has pressed for limits on IVF that would disproportionately affect LGBTQ couples. 36 See Severino, supra note 30, at 451 (calling for HHS to focus on biological parents over “LGBTQ+ equity” (internal quotation marks omitted)). Such campaigns suggest a cost to waiting when it comes to federal regulation of IVF, as much as there are potential costs to intervening. It is reasonable to ask whether there are better proposals than the one advanced here. This Article offers it less as an optimal or ideal solution than as a helpful baseline to avoid the worst extremes that could make IVF all too similar to abortion—and as a starting point for discussing the kind of regulation that would make IVF safer and more accessible.

Part I tells the origin story of a regulatory vacuum that emerged in the United States unlike anywhere else in the developed world. Part II analyzes the recent collapse of that fragile compromise. Part III charts a sound future for IVF and for related assisted reproductive practices like surrogacy, donor insemination, and prenatal testing. This path forward is critically informed by a distinctive political history and by IVF’s relationship to abortion since Roe and after Dobbs.