Introduction
The clash between free speech and minority interests, specifically those of gay people,
has reached fever pitch. For decades, the Court has played referee in this fight. In 1995, the Court unanimously held in Hurley v. Irish-American Gay, Lesbian & Bisexual Group of Boston (GLIB) that the Free Speech Clause granted the Boston St. Patrick’s Day Parade organizers the right to exclude a gay and lesbian group in violation of state antidiscrimination law.
In 2000, in Boy Scouts of America v. Dale, a bare majority of the Court similarly held that the Boy Scouts could expel an openly gay scoutmaster.
In the 2010 case of Christian Legal Society v. Martinez, another bare majority of the Court pulled back, holding on narrow grounds that California could prohibit a Christian law student group at a public school from excluding gay and lesbian students.
The last few years have seen an intensification of this battle. In 2017, in Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission, a Colorado baker refused to bake a cake for a same-sex wedding.
Members of the Court sparred with each other in anticipation of a subsequent showdown; the case was ultimately resolved on narrow grounds but produced three concurrences and a dissent.
The showdown arrived last Term in 303 Creative LLC v. Elenis, another Colorado case.
There, a majority of the Court held that graphic designer Lori Smith could refuse to build websites for same-sex weddings.
The reasoning in these cases generally proceeds in two steps. When approving service refusals, the Court first identifies and magnifies the refuser’s expressive interest.
It then goes on to diminish the interests of the gay people experiencing the refusal, holding that gay people do not experience discrimination.
This reasoning packs a one-two punch—the refusers have a speech interest in their message, and the gay person lacks a countervailing equality interest as (according to the Court’s majority in these cases) no discrimination has occurred.
Take 303 Creative, for example. There, the Court claimed, first, that Smith’s service denial was expressive.
Second, it claimed there was no discrimination, a claim that this Article calls “discrimination denial.” In other words, the Court suggested, gay people had no equality interest to weigh against Smith’s speech interests. Smith’s objection, the Court emphasized, is not to gay people, but (in this case) to same-sex weddings.
Thus, it noted, “the parties agree that Ms. Smith ‘will gladly create custom graphics and websites for gay, lesbian, or bisexual clients or for organizations run by gay, lesbian, or bisexual persons so long as the custom graphics and websites’ do not violate her beliefs.”
Both the Court and commentators dwell in greater detail on the refuser’s speech right, interrogating whether the claimed interest constitutes speech,
the nature of the speech if any,
its importance, and whether the speech is the client’s or the vendor’s.
Less frequently foregrounded in today’s academic commentary is the second set of rights—the antidiscrimination interests of the gay people experiencing service refusals,
and, in particular, the Court’s claim that these refusals do not constitute discrimination.
And yet, denying the existence of discrimination carries both doctrinal and political significance.
Doctrinally, the question of whether there is discrimination can determine whether LGBTQ+ individuals’ interests outweigh any expressive interests of refusers—if there is no discrimination, then gay people can hardly argue against the refusers’ expressive rights.
The question can even delimit the reach of antidiscrimination statutes—if anti-marriage discrimination is not anti-gay discrimination, then no antidiscrimination statute has been violated.
And rhetorically, denying the existence of discrimination enables prioritizing refusers’ interests while erasing those of gay people. Thus, exam-ining the Court’s claim that no discrimination has occurred is the focus of this Article.
While the Court does not always explicitly articulate its reasoning, two grounds best justify the discrimination denial: First, denying service based on the conduct of individuals does not constitute discrimination against their status. Scholars read the Court’s cases from the late 1990s and early 2000s as relying on this status–conduct (also known as the act–identity) distinction.
In Hurley, Dale, and Christian Legal Society, refusers argued that gay people engaged in objectionable conduct. For example, the gay and lesbian group in Hurley sought to carry a banner,
and in Christian Legal Society, the excluded gay and lesbian students purportedly engaged in unsanctioned sexual activity.
But, the refusers argued, they objected to that conduct, not to gay people themselves. Gay people who did not engage in prohibited conduct would be permitted access.
Some of today’s litigants seek to revive such arguments. They have similarly argued that their objection is to providing services for same-sex marriage, not to gay people.
Yet, relying on now decades-old literature and jurisprudence, most of today’s lower courts have roundly (and rightly) rejected the status–conduct binary.
Status does not exist in a vacuum but is constituted through conduct—including coming out, engaging in intimate conduct, marching in pride parades, and choosing whether to love and to whom to express that love.
Today’s Court—primarily through Justice Neil Gorsuch, the author of 303 Creative—also claims that service refusals are not discriminatory.
But rather than relying on the status–conduct distinction, his opinion inaug-urates a new distinction between access and content. On this account, plaintiffs’ stores offer a certain set of content—cakes or websites for different-sex weddings, or more generic items like cookies or brownies. They are willing to give gay people access to all this content. But they are not willing to alter the content they offer—they are not willing to make cakes for same-sex weddings, for example. And as long as the protected group is given access to any of the seller’s content (whatever it is), there is no discrimination.
Although Justice Gorsuch presents his reasoning as original, similar distinctions have been made in other areas of antidiscrimination law. In disability discrimination law, defendants have invoked the access–content distinction in the courts of appeals.
To draw one example from these cases, a bookstore that does not carry books in Braille does not necessarily discriminate against blind people—that is, as long as blind people are allowed access to the books the store chooses to stock.
The fact that the books the store stocks is of less use to members of a certain group is not relevant as long as that group is given equal access.
Both the status–conduct and access–content distinctions help justify the claim that the service denial is not discriminatory. They allow the Court to unlink the service denial from the protected status of the individual. Instead, these distinctions allow the Court to anchor the service denial to specific conduct (marriage) or to the nature of the product (services for different-sex couples). In this way, the Court can claim that the service denial does not discriminate against gay status.
Part I explores the status–conduct and access–content distinctions. Part II explores the implications of denying the existence of discrimination in general,
and of the access–content justification in particular. On one level, the Court does not simply hold that service refusers’ First Amendment interests trump gay people’s interests against discrimination. Rather, the Court feels the need to minimize gay people’s interests to justify the service denial. Observers might take some comfort in the fact that the Court does not give the refusers an automatic win, with no regard to gay people’s interests. But the story is more complex.
At the outset, the claim that the service denials are not discriminatory can present real doctrinal problems for litigants. First, if a service denial sometimes constitutes fully protected expression, a state must show at least that it advances a compelling interest in requiring services for same-sex weddings. In these cases, states argue that their application of the public accommodation laws serve the compelling interest of protecting gay people from discrimination.
Future courts may rely on the 303 Creative Court’s claim that under federal law, no discrimination against gay people has occurred, in which case the compelling interest disappears altogether.
Second, 303 Creative’s definition of what counts as discrim-ination could affect how other courts interpret antidiscrimination statutes. Other courts could hold (and have held) that objections to same-sex marriage do not count as discrimination, limiting protections for gay rights.
Beyond doctrine, the shift from the status–conduct binary to the access–content binary has stakes for both religious and LGBTQ+ identity. First, a close reading of Justice Gorsuch’s Masterpiece Cakeshop concurrence suggests that the departure from the status–conduct distinction seeks to enable claims of religious discrimination.
If such cases become more prominent in the Court’s docket, a sharp distinction between status and conduct could undermine arguments that the burdens on certain religious conduct constitute discrimination against religious people. Avoiding the status–conduct binary helps evade that problem.
Second, the access–content distinction shifts focus from the indi-viduals involved to the services at issue, avoiding consideration of identity categories. This risks reifying a market-oriented view of the harm involved: The injury gay couples face is a supply-chain one—limited availability of certain goods—rather than a dignitary, identity-based one.
At base, the claim that no discrimination has occurred denies the lived reality of gay people. Civil rights claims have historically depended on the building of consciousness among groups about the existence of oppression.
If the Court openly weighed the rights of First Amendment claimants against those of gay people and came out in favor of the former, it would be forced to reckon with the burdens that its ruling imposes on gay people. The Court’s approach instead refuses to recognize gay indi-viduals as having the agency, autonomy, and understanding to appreciate when they have experienced discrimination.
Thus it is essential to address the court’s claim that discrimination has not occurred.
Discrimination denial claims rely on status—conduct and access—conduct justifications. Decades-old literature already dismantles the status–conduct justification. The access–content justification, however, has not received similar critical treatment. Indeed, the disability literature which has historically reckoned with the access–content distinction appears to have given up grappling with the distinction on analytical terms.
Part III offers two arguments to show that in cases like 303 Creative, targeting content constitutes discrimination. First, certain items—yarmulkes, crosses, and other items—are identified strongly with specific groups of people: Jewish people, Christians, and so on. Targeting items infused with group identity can exhibit animus against those groups. Second, defining content in terms of a group as the Court appears to do (for example, distinguishing between same–sex and different–sex wedding cakes) to justify discrimination against that group is also illeg-itimate. In that way, this Article argues, the access–content distinction in these cases ultimately fails as an analytical matter.
Ultimately, the Court seeks to quarantine Smith’s message from any claim of discrimination, making her putative expression a get-out-of-jail-free card. If there is no discrimination, there are no competing values that the Court must weigh—First Amendment values dictate the conclusion. But denials of service can have a serious and significant effect on gay people, limiting their access not only to wedding vendors but also to public accommodations that provide basic necessities like food and healthcare.
There should be no confusion: Same-sex wedding service refusals are discriminatory. To be clear, a finding of discrimination will not necessarily be enough to change outcomes; the Court may still decide that First Amendment interests must prevail, and this Article does not purport to engage speech doctrine. But in weighing the interests involved, it is important to keep in mind gay people’s injuries rather than writing them out of existence.